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Nordic Dawn: Modernism's Awakening in Finland 1890-1920
Manufacturer: Prestel Publishing
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Living in Finland (Living In...)
ASIN: 3791334107 |
Book Description
Nearly eighty masterpieces of Finnish painting offer an opportunity to explore the range of the country's art at the dawn of the twentieth century.
Finnish art holds an important place in the development of Modernism. At the turn of the century, the country blossomed -its native culture, breathtaking landscapes, and vitality helped fuel a movement that celebrated youth, energy, color, and nontraditional representation. This survey, presented in brilliant color, also includes the substantial contributions made by Finnish women artists. It features more than two hundred reproductions, a bibliography, maps, and fascinating essays which explore the fundamental role that art played in shaping a sense of national identity in fin-de-siècle Finland.
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La Realidad Figurativa II
Pierre Francastel
Manufacturer: Paidos Iberica, Ediciones S. A.
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ASIN: 8475094694 |
Book Description
A mention of flatulence might conjure up images of bratty high school boys or lowbrow comics. But one of the most eloquent - and least expected - commentators on the subject is Benjamin Franklin. The writings in Fart Proudly reveal the rogue who lived peaceably within the philosopher and statesman. Included are "The Letter to a Royal Academy"; "On Choosing a Mistress"; "Rules on Making Oneself Disagreeable"; and other jibes. Franklin's irrepressible wit found an outlet in perpetrating hoaxes, attacking marriage and other sacred cows, and skewering the English Parliament. Reminding us of the humorous, irreverent side of this American icon, these essays endure as both hilarious satire and a timely reminder of the importance of a free press.
Customer Reviews:
An iteresting read.......2007-09-25
I have to say that I rather enjoyed reading Franklin's lesser known works/letters. At one point I was even chuckling out loud.
However the book was ruined at the end by the editor's own political agenda. He assumes to many things and discredits his own opinion about the freedom of speech (if it is true that no one is allowed to speak their mind or are afraid - how is it that you got published).
My recommendation is to rip out that section of the book and enjoy what a gifted writer and thinker has to say - Ben Franklin
Great for all fans of Ben Franklin.......2007-02-11
The last chapter is the best one and the only one that at all references the title (fortunately). Some of this is better for people who already have some background in the period. I would not recommend this book for anybody who does not have an interest in the history and politics of the era of the American Revolution. If you love Ben Franklin, as I do, then this book is a must-read.
Franklin is my new hero, but I wish the editor would shut his trap.......2006-12-29
Benjamin Franklin, as I knew him (mostly from elementary school TV cartoons), was a busy old man who spent his time inventing stoves and bifocals, getting electrocuted by lightning, writing newspapers, and admonishing us to work hard and "unite or die".
Franklin, it turns out, was also a brilliant humorist and satirist. The opening essay of "Fart Proudly", suggesting the Royal Academy of Brussels drop their efforts on cute mathematical theorems and focus instead on finding ways to make farts smell pleasant, is a riot. Franklin tops it later in his essay "On Choosing a Mistress", which expands upon the merits of older women ("there is no hazard of Children, which irregularly produced may be attended with much Inconvenience." "covering all above with a Basket, and regarding only what is below the Girdle, it is impossible of two Women to know an old one from a young one. And as in the dark all Cats are grey, the Pleasure or corporal Enjoyment with an old Woman is at least equal, and frequently superior, every Knack being by Practice capable of improvement.")
Once you get used to the style, the book goes very quickly, and you can read it in an afternoon easily. And, in addition to being a deep repository of wit, the book is also a fun history lesson, as through a variety of Franklin's satirical essays on politics ("Three Fables", "Rules by Which A Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One", "Transporting Rattlesnakes") you can see the evolution of Franklin's grievances with Britain from a perspective far more entertaining than a history text.
My only complaint is that Japiske, the editor, is an ignoramus, and exactly the kind of gentleman Franklin would have gone out of his way to mock mercilessly in print.
Wicked! .......2006-03-09
This book is a terrific compilation of Ben's lesser known writings. Reading this, I have to say - if I could invite any one person to dinner, past, present or future, it would be Benjamin Franklin. He's smart, funny, rebellious, irreverent, and eloquent.
Every schoolteacher in every elementary school history classroom across America - or the world - should have multiple copies of this book freely available at all times. There's a reason Ben was a hero in other countries besides the states.
That said, the preface sucked. Using Ben to push your own politics? Get over it. I agree, but I dislike being told what to think.
So - definitely buy the book, definitely skip the preface, definitely laugh your musical behind off.
The footnotes your history book skipped........2004-12-03
Bland history makes great men look great. Bad history makes great men look bad. This makes a great man look great being a 'bad boy' - a tasty bit of irony and accuracy.
Franklin was one of the first printers in the US - he was a material supporter of freedom of the press, and a severe critic of irresponsible press. He was a statesman and clown, when clowning made his point the best way. He was a politician, scientist, and bawd - how else to take in so much of the human condition?
This collection captures some of the contradictions that comprised Benjamin Frnaklin. Maybe it takes some of the sheen off the gold star that history dumped on him, but it adds toughness and flexibility to the steel that he showed as diplomat. Satire is a voice, and this short book shows a few octaves of his.
I have to admit that poor teachers put me quite off American history. Books like this get me reading history again. It shows Franklin the patriot and firebrand defending the mothers without husbands and deflating the learned academies of Europe. This is short but sweet, and even his choices of words show me a lot about how modern English is used.
//wiredweird
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My Life as a Radical Jewish Woman: Memoirs of a Zionist Feminist in Poland
Puah Rakovska
Manufacturer: Indiana University Press
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ASIN: 025334042X |
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Professional educator, Zionist activist, and feminist leader--Puah Rakovsky (1865-1955) was born under the Russian Empire and died in the independent country of Israel. No mere bystander to history, Rakovsky was an activist who assumed leadership roles in the public arenas of education and politics, founding the first Jewish girls school in Warsaw and a national Jewish women s organization in 1920s Poland. In her memoir Rakovsky reflects on the position of Jewish women in her time and gives her personal and political perspective on central events of modern Jewish history from her childhood until her emigration to the Land of Israel in 1935.
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Baroque Music: A Practical Guide for the Performer
Victor Rangel-Ribeiro
Manufacturer: Schirmer Books
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ASIN: 0028719808 |
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Bach's Solo Violin Works: A Performer's Guide
Jaap Schroder
Manufacturer: Yale University Press
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ASIN: 030012466X |
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Long admired for his interpretation of Bach's six Sonatas and Partitas for unaccompanied violin, Jaap Schröder, a leading international soloist, here provides a detailed but informal guide to their performance. Bach’s sublime solo violin works have long been central to the baroque music repertoire. No serious violinist can avoid studying them, and few concert artists can resist the temptation of performing them.
This is a book for advanced students and performers. Using it is an experience akin to a master class conducted by a uniquely accomplished practitioner. The text is devoted almost entirely to practical matters—bowing, phrasing, ornamentation, tempi, and so on. Schröder strongly recommends the use of a baroque violin and, especially, baroque bow, but his interpretive insights and suggestions are equally applicable to modern violinists.
Book Description
The hottest new look in fashion jewelry is all about gemstones and pearls. Now readers can create right at home their own unique versions of the stylish looks they see on models and in magazines. Using simple, accessible techniques and easily assembled supplies, Making Designer Gemstone and Pearl Jewelry shows how to make chokers, lariats, bracelets, earrings, and more in a variety of styles, from classic to modern to funky. Whether the desired look is simple and elegant or ornate and chunky, the creative process is easy and fun, and the results are spectacular. The book also offers information on the healing powers of gemstones turquoise for serenity and positive thinking, amber for romance and love to help readers imbue their designs with personal meaning. For anyone who loves jewelry, even if they've never strung a bead or twisted a wire, this unique guide will inspire readers to make beautiful, stylish accessories to keep or to give as gifts.
Tammy Powley is a jeweler, teacher, and writer. She is the host and manager of About.com's jewelry-making Web site, where she has regular columns. She is a frequent contributor to Jewelry Crafts magazine.
Customer Reviews:
A great book and reference.......2006-02-24
Great book! Simple to follow and the instructions are clear. It also allows for your own creativity to design and make future pieces. The illustrations are also very attractive and as a beginner I found the designs very encouraging and achievable to work toward. I think for the advanced, this book will be a great reference as well.
Good beginner book.......2003-06-18
For someone with little or no experience making beaded jewelry, this book is an excellent guide to making beautiful jewelry in some of the most trendy styles. All of the projects require 2 basic skills - stringing and the ability to twist a wire loop. If you have these skills, or can learn them from the detailed pictures and instructions, then you will be able to use this book.
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Roy Castle Remembered
Manufacturer: Robson Books Ltd
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ASIN: 0860519805 |
Book Description
As a defender of national unity, a leader in war, and the emancipator of slaves, Abraham Lincoln lays ample claim to being the greatest of our presidents. But the story of his rise to greatness is as complex as it is compelling.
In this superb, prize-winning biography, acclaimed historian Richard Carwardine examines Lincoln’s dramatic political journey, from his early years in the Illinois legislature to his nation-shaping years in the White House. Here, Carwardine combines a new perspective with a compelling narrative to deliver a fresh look at one of the pillars of American politics. He probes the sources of Lincoln’s moral and political philosophy and uses his groundbreaking research to cut through the myth and expose the man behind it.
Download Description
An original and deeply insightful biography of Abraham Lincoln, already awarded the prestigious Lincoln Prize.
As a defender of national unity, a leader in war, and the emancipator of slaves, Abraham Lincoln lays ample claim to being the greatest of our presidents. But the story of his rise to greatness is as complex as it is compelling. In this superb biography, the highly regarded Oxford University historian Richard Carwardine examines Lincoln both in his dramatic political journey and in his nation-shaping White House years. Through his groundbreaking research, Carwardine probes the sources of Lincoln’s moral and political philosophy. We see how, while pursuing office, Lincoln drew strength from public opinion and the machinery of his party. We see him, as a wartime president, recognizing the limits as well as the possibilities of power, and the necessity of looking for support beyond his own administration. We see how he turned to the churches, to their humanitarian agencies, and to the volunteer Union Army for allies in his struggle to end slavery.
In illuminating the political talents that went hand in hand with large and serious moral purpose, Carwardine gives us a fresh, important portrait of the incomparable Abraham Lincoln.
From the Hardcover edition.
Customer Reviews:
Psychologizing Lincoln.......2007-08-09
Presumption presented as bold fact. I do not like others telling us the hidden thoughts and motives of others (as this book does). We barely understand ourselves. The bible says of our own hearts "who can know it?". Yet this writer presumes to know more about Lincolns heart than even Lincoln did. Sorry but "No".
Excellent Read.......2007-06-21
This book will give you insight on the political tactics Lincoln used and will also educate you on some of his beginnings.
For a true biography I'd look elsewhere.
A Brilliant Book Brilliantly Read!.......2007-04-13
This is a brilliant book! It is extremely well researched, well written and tremendously interesting.
Author Richard Carwardine provides unparalleled insights into the life of Abraham Lincoln, his pursuit of political power, and his use of that power once installed in the White House.
Lincoln made many mistakes as a politician, President of the United States, and Commander and Chief of the Union armies. But he learned from those mistakes and emerged as a powerful leader, who dominated every aspect of Union strategy - political, economic and military.
More importantly, during the Civil War he alone stood rock solid in the belief that there could be no compromise with the Confederacy that would undermine the union of the United States. Later he extended his unwillingness to compromise to the issue of slavery. Thus, while others around wavered, Lincoln stood firm in the belief that the Union had to remain united and that slavery had to end.
This book was a joy to listen and I was enthralled by the rich and flowing narrative and the valuable insights I gained into the life of my favorite President. Lincoln was a master at manipulating those around him and, more importantly, at crafting a powerful message aimed at eliciting the support of other politicians and the American people.
back in the day when a President's moral authority shaped history..........2007-01-15
As a warning, this book isn't a standard biography. Reading it as an introduction to Lincoln would be simply disappointing. Instead, Carwardine has written a tightly focused essay on the president in the context of moral authority and power. The story centers around the development of Lincoln's moral thought, his growth as a politician, and how Lincoln's ideas and actions played out against the grand conflagration of slavery.
This is why Lincoln's earlier political career makes up a relatively large portion of the book, as it was then that Lincoln clearly distinguished his political positions. At this time what distinguished Lincoln politically was his refusal to allow any compromise with slavery's expansion into new states: he refuted the idea that slavery could coexist with the idea of a nation based on individual liberty. Where others (such as Stephen Douglas) were trying to negotiate compromise, Lincoln staked out a position that slavery allowed no in-between with freedom; the country must "become wholly one thing or the other."
Carwardine is particularly excellent on 19th century politics, describing in detail how political parties operated at that time, how the political public was formed and how electioneering was so different from today. He is also very good at describing the political maneuvering that resulted in Lincoln's election to the presidency - showing it not as a surprise win by a dark horse but instead as a deliberately plotted, calculated event.
Where this book might frustrate some is the narrowness of its focus - for instance as it lacks much discussion about of the military events of the Civil War, the book seems strangely detached from it. There is a brilliant chapter on the moral authority of the Union Army itself, but beyond this and the more usual descriptions of Lincoln's arguments with his generals, the war seems an oddly distant event.
Very overrated Lincoln biography!!!.......2006-11-15
I generally enjoy reading biographies, but this one was an exception! A very boring read! I did not think that Lincoln was being portrayed as overly religous as another reviewer did, but I seriously doubt that lincoln had evangelical inclinations. I was dissapointed in the lack of overall perspective of Lincoln's life. I feel that there was too much concentration on Lincoln the politician (his political development) and not enough about his family and social life. I wanted to know Lincoln better on a personal level and I did not feel that this book provided much insight. I may have been expecting too much, but I prefer a biographry that maintains my interest rather than puting me to sleep, as this one frequently did.
Book Description
A variety of important but lesser-known dimensions of the Chancellorsville campaign of spring 1863 are explored in this collection of eight original essays. Departing from the traditional focus on generalship and tactics, the contributors address the campaign's broad context and implications and revisit specific battlefield episodes that have in the past been poorly understood.
Chancellorsville was a remarkable victory for Robert E. Lee's troops, a fact that had enormous psychological importance for both sides, which had met recently at Fredericksburg and would meet again at Gettysburg in just two months. But the achievement, while stunning, came at an enormous cost: more than 13,000 Confederates became casualties, including Stonewall Jackson, who was wounded by friendly fire and died several days later.
The topics covered in this volume include the influence of politics on the Union army, the importance of courage among officers, the impact of the war on children, and the state of battlefield medical care. Other essays illuminate the important but overlooked role of Confederate commander Jubal Early, reassess the professionalism of the Union cavalry, investigate the incident of friendly fire that took Stonewall Jackson's life, and analyze the military and political background of Confederate colonel Emory Best's court-martial on charges of abandoning his men.
Contributors
Keith S. Bohannon, Pennsylvania State University and Greenville, South Carolina
Gary W. Gallagher, Pennsylvania State University
A. Wilson Greene, Petersburg, Virginia
John J. Hennessy, Fredericksburg, Virginia
Robert K. Krick, Fredericksburg, Virginia
James Marten, Marquette University
Carol Reardon, Pennsylvania State University
James I. Robertson, Jr., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
Customer Reviews:
Krick's Contribution Alone Makes This Book Invaluable.......2005-09-30
Although I haven't read all of this book, the contribution of Robert Krick, entitled "The Smoothbore Volley that Doomed the Confederacy" is such that it alone, at least to me, makes this an invalualbe book for students of both Jackson and Chancellorsville. For anyone who has been fascinated with the precise reconstruction of a historical event taking place at a defined place, Krick's writing will prove fascinating. No biography of Jackson that I have encountered, even Robertson's, provides as much detail on the circumstances surrounding this tragic occurence. As he points out and is generally known, the monument at Chancellorsville which purports to mark the spot where Jackson was shot on that May, 1863 moonless night is incorreclty placed. Read and take this book with you when visiting the area as the map included will prove of great help.
Book Description
State structures, international forces, and class relations: Theda Skocpol shows how all three combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. From France in the 1790s to Vietnam in the 1970s, social revolutions have been rare but undeniably of enormous importance in modern world history. States and Social Revolutions provides a new frame of reference for analyzing the causes, the conflicts, and the outcomes of such revolutions. And it develops in depth a rigorous, comparative historical analysis of three major cases: the French Revolution of 1787 through the early 1800s, the Russian Revolution of 1917 through the 1930s, and the Chinese Revolution of 1911 through the 1960s. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, the author urges us to adopt fresh perspectives. She argues for structural rather than voluntarist analysis, and for an emphasis on the effects of transnational and world-historical contexts upon domestic political conflicts. Above all, she maintains that states conceived as administrative and coercive organizations potentially autonomous from class controls and interests must be made central to explanations of revolutions.
Customer Reviews:
A good, clear perspective........2007-02-11
Skocpol uses very informative, historically packed writing to demonstrate her view on the reasons behind the three revolutions. Her opinions make very much sense as is clear through her thourough analysis and tons of obvious research. She repeats her main points when things get a little heavy and confusing but does not talk more than is necessary. I recommend to anyone interested in the theory of revolutions and state systems in collapse.
Interest in comparitive historical sociology.......2006-12-07
If one is interested in comparitive-historical sociology I think that it is absolutely essential that they own this book. I don't think that it is essential because one needs to read it in order to understand the whole of what is going on, but instead, because it shows some of the inherent weaknesses of the discipline. What Skocpol is doing here is writing a dissertation and following the guidelines. Even though she's drawing heavily from the Marxist tradition she makes it seem as though her research and ideas are thoroughly unique and new and, on top of that, revolutionary. But she makes several crucial mistakes that render this work either nearly useless or bad.
So if it's nearly useless (or bad) why should you own it? Because there are some crucial and sociological valuable conclusions one can draw from it. Also, as stated earlier, it is a roadmap to avoiding poor comparitive-historical work and it is the quintessential structuralist account of revolution to which many are in debt.
Revolution from a Structural Approach.......2005-10-26
Theda Skocpol seeks to explain the causes of social revolution through a structural paradigm. Her level of analysis is the state. This paradigm, holding the state as the level of analysis and concentrating on structure, is defined well by Migdal. "This is a system-dominant perspective in which structuralists see states as interchangeable to the degree that they expect them to act similarly if facing the same array of forces" (215).
Skocpol contends that external forces can lead to economic and military instability within a state. This instability weakens both the structure of the state, and subsequently the nation's societal structure. In turn, this creates an environment well-suited for social revolutions. Skocpol defines social revolution as causing two important changes which separate it from other forms of political upheavals: "societal structural change with class upheaval" and "the coincidence of political with social transformation" (5).
In order to discover similar phenomena common across states which lead to social revolution, Skocpol uses a method of comparative historical analysis. She seeks to establish relationships between "causal variables referring to the strength and structure of old regime states and the relations of state organizations to class structures" (35). Her analysis spans three revolutions: France 1789, China 1911 and Russia 1917. In looking for commonalities across state boundaries, Skocpol is using what she referred to in Bringing the State Back In as the Toucquevillian approach. In this case, Skocpol is using the Toucquevillian point of view to explore how "state structures and the activities of states" influence social revolution. Skocpol asserts that revolutions emerge from "political crises centered in the structures and situations of old regime states" (47). The author argues that in the cases of France, China and Russia, all regimes faced similar threats which affected state, and consequently, societal structures.
According to Skocpol, a number of transnational and internal events can lead to changes in state structure: threats of invasion, defeats in war, political dependency and economic inequalities. In discussing state failure, Migdal writes, "States crack when they are hit simultaneously by three sorts of crises - a state financial emergency, severe elite divisions, and a potential and propensity for popular groups to mobilize" (216). In Skocpol's historical analysis, all three old regimes suffered similar pressures.
First, pre-revolutionary regimes could not compete economically with their industrializing neighbors. All three old regimes experienced difficulty making the transition from agrarian economies to industrialized societies. This created economic inequality between states. As Skocpol writes, "Modern social revolutions have happened only in countries situated in disadvantaged positions within international arenas" (23).
In addition to economic disequilibrium, all three old regimes encountered military threats from abroad. These regimes were unable to compete militarily with their neighbors due to their economic disadvantage and lack of industrialization. These pressures lead to Migdal's second type of crisis, "state financial emergency."
Secondly, in response to these external pressures, the structure of the old regimes weakened, and conflict between the state and elites emerged. The international pressures began to drain the state economically. In France and Germany, wars with industrialized rivals nearly bankrupted the state (65, 81). In China, the Imperial court was unable to counter the intrusion of foreign powers and the successive changes imposed to the economic structure (74). This in turn placed pressure on the elites.
In France, the state faced bankruptcy due wars and the lack of an industrialized economy. The state attempted to impose tax reform which would have increased taxation for an elite deeply engrained in the state structure. The elites no longer felt that the state could adequately protect their interests, and began to seek a more representative regime. In turn, this call for more representation weakened the Crown, and coupled with a disillusioned peasant class, was able to change state structure. Similar events in Russia and Manchu China illustrate Migdal's "severe elite divisions."
Thirdly, the weakening of the state/elite relationship and divisions in the dominant class were not the sole catalyst for social revolution. Rather, Skocpol argues that in all three revolutions peasant rebellions against landed elites were necessary conditions for successful change in society's structure. In addition, specific organizational structures found in the peasant class were important in providing the revolutionary potential of the peasant (117).
Skocpol writes, "Rentier agrarian systems, where small holder peasant families possess and work the land on their own, are notoriously susceptible to peasant revolts" (117). Peasants under such a system find themselves economically tied together against landlords. In other words, the peasants suffer collectively under the yoke of the land holding class. As such, the peasants develop "some organized capacity for collective action against their exploitative superiors" (115).
The author uses the example of Russian obshchina as an organizational structure that provides a means to collective action and ensuing peasant revolution. The obshchina was a communal village which administered commonly held lands and disseminated the right to use among the villagers. In turn, the members of the obshchina were "collectively responsible for payment and labor obligations to service-nobles who possessed nearly exclusive jurisdiction over them" (128). Because of the closely knit relationships and responsibilities of peasants in the obshchina, the structure was conducive to collective action. Similar organizational structures of the peasant classes in France and Manchu China illustrate Migdal's "potential and propensity for popular groups to mobilize."
Logical Fallacies & the Problem of Mid-Level Theory.......2004-03-15
Four the past several weeks, I have been attempting to obtain copies of reviews of States & Social Revolutions that would have been written at the time of the book's initial publication. In fact, I had hoped that I could find whole books dedicated to rebutting much of the flawed argument that Skocpol puts forth in this book. I could find neither. But first, let me state my case against Skocpol.
First, there exists the problem of mid-level political theory. There is deep level theory, mid level theory, and what I deem specific political commentary. In deep level theory, one can make certain broad, rather common arguments: when states come under external military pressure, it impacts their economy. On the specific level, one could comment on how a specific war impacted a specific economy. But in the mid level, the arguments become tenuous. This happens when a scholar attempts to take a handful of countries, and to claim that a rather specific series of events (X, Y, Z) impacted those countries, took place in those countries, and had the same results in those countries. This is mid-level theory (in my understanding), and it is often highly flawed.
Skocpol advances three test cases to "prove" her argument. Indeed, she writes as though her book is empirically proving a mathematical equation to be true. This is one of the more superficial (though irritating) aspects of the book. Notwithstanding her penchant for a heavy-handed egotistical tone of writing, her argument is still tenuous. Her three test cases are France, Russia, and China. Essentially, Skocpol argues that all of these countries were impacted by their international situation and/or conflict. In France, the external actor was Britain's military might and the situation was exacerbated by France's poor geographic position. In Russia, the actor was WWI. In China, the Sino-Japanese war. These external situations necessitated governmental reforms in all three nations; reforms that would allow the nation to deal with threatening international conditions. Such reforms would deal with agricultural production, taxation, gathering of a military, etc. According to Skocpol, one of the key causes of a social revolution is that the elite classes in the countries where the revolution occurs will be antagonistic to the government's attempts at reform. When this antagonism reaches a hilt, social cohesion and coercion mechanisms fail, and the peasants revolt.
The first aspect of Sxocpol's argument is a sound one. In all three cases, there was international pressure and the government attempted reforms. As the argument progresses, it becomes quite weak. In France, the nobility were - as Skopol's claim requires - antagonistic to government efforts for reform, this did result in a breakdown in social cohesion and in coercion mechanisms. In China, the same held true. In Russia, however, the government reforms were accepted by the nobility. (STRIKE ONE).
According to Skocpol's logic, a rejection of governmental reforms by the nobility should result in a social revolution. In France, this happened. In Russia, there was no rejection by the noble class, but a revolution too place nonetheless. (STRIKE TWO). In China, there was no peasant revolt, yet Skocpol uses China as a case to prove her argument. (STRIKE THREE).
The argumentation in the book is poor. France is Skocpol's best case. But furthermore, it is instructive to note that Skocpol focuses exclusively on states, classes, governments---- but never on individual people. Her model is a very deterministic one: If conditions X, Y, and Z are present, there will be a social revolution. This is poor logic. She excludes any social/cultural factors that may have led to revolutions in any of her test cases. A great example is the case of Russia. Skocpol ignores Czar Nicholas' personal incompetence, and the difference between his ruling style and that of his predecessors. Furthermore, she ignores Russia's rapid industrialization and the power of a growing working class culture/shared identity/etc.
I reccomend this book to everyone interested in politics, if only because it will give you some good historical grounding for the periods and cases studied, and because it is always fun to deconstruct the "standard work".
a response to Over-rated.......2001-01-26
Milan3 introduced a very excellent further reading in the review. Morre Barrington's work, of course is more original for political sociology as he is Skocpol's teacher. However, at least to me, Skocpol's comparative study is more interesting and more easy to read for new comers. Surely, no single book can cover all elements in such a wide field. "people" seems essential and important in studying political sociology, but not just a minor detail. I agree to Michael Springfield, Skocpol already expresses her views convincingly and with conviction, especially on "people"'s role in revolution. anyway, I enjoy discussing with Milan3 and Michael Springfield here and thank you!
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