Book Description
This book traces the origins of the "illegal alien" in American law and society, explaining why and how illegal migration became the central problem in U.S. immigration policy--a process that profoundly shaped ideas and practices about citizenship, race, and state authority in the twentieth century.
Mae Ngai offers a close reading of the legal regime of restriction that commenced in the 1920s--its statutory architecture, judicial genealogies, administrative enforcement, differential treatment of European and non-European migrants, and long-term effects. In well-drawn historical portraits, Ngai peoples her study with the Filipinos, Mexicans, Japanese, and Chinese who comprised, variously, illegal aliens, alien citizens, colonial subjects, and imported contract workers. She shows that immigration restriction, particularly national-origin and numerical quotas, re-mapped the nation both by creating new categories of racial difference and by emphasizing as never before the nation's contiguous land borders and their patrol. This yielded the "illegal alien," a new legal and political subject whose inclusion in the nation was a social reality but a legal impossibility--a subject without rights and excluded from citizenship. Questions of fundamental legal status created new challenges for liberal democratic society and have directly informed the politics of multiculturalism and national belonging in our time.
Ngai's analysis is based on extensive archival research, including previously unstudied records of the U.S. Border Patrol and Immigration and Naturalization Service. Contributing to American history, legal history, and ethnic studies, Impossible Subjects is a major reconsideration of U.S. immigration in the twentieth century.
Customer Reviews:
The construction of the illegal immigrant and discriminatory US policies.......2006-12-01
The United States of America is the great melting pot of the world's immigrants, or is it? A white, middle-class, Protestant, European American lifestyle is what the great melting pot of American folklore was truly intended to articulate to the immigrants of the early 20th century. Mai Ngai counters this image of the US as the embracive playground of diverse immigrants and powerfully weaves the tale of how race, nationality, assimilation, and immigration all became interwoven concepts in overtly discriminatory US immigration policy of the mid-20th century in her newest book Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America. As Mae says, "The telos of immigrant settlement, assimilation, and citizenship has been an enduring narrative of American history, but it has not always been the reality of migrants' desires or their experiences and interactions with American society and state." (5)
Throughout the history of the United States, there has been a clear struggle to define who can gain citizenship in this great nation. Ngai's book attempts not to tackle this debate, but rather how the construction of the illegal immigrant came about because "the promise of citizenship applies only to the legal alien, the lawfully present immigrant. The illegal immigrant has no right to be present, let alone embark on the path to citizenship." (6) Her book begins in 1924 with the adoption of the Johnson-Reed Act which established numeric quotas for immigration from countries across the globe. Prior to the 1920s, immigration was relatively unrestricted as, "the free global movement of labor was essential to economic development in the New World." (17) Ngai points out that it is vital to note that this pre-Johnson Reed Act period did see the exclusion of Chinese laborers who migration disturbed the precious ideas of manifest destiny in the West. She stresses that the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was most important because the Supreme Court gave Congress absolute control over immigration as part of foreign relations.
Throughout her book, Ngai focuses on what she believes to be the two biggest consequences of the Johnson-Reed Act, the first being creation of the concept of illegal alien and the second being racially ranking the desirability for certain groups to immigrate to the United States. Perhaps the most powerful quote of the entire book goes, "Immigration restriction produced the illegal alien as a new legal and political subject, whose inclusion within the nation was simultaneously a social reality and a legal impossibility - a subject barred from citizenship and without rights." (4) Ngai points out that the irony of this newly created status is that the undocumented or illegal immigrants are woven into the economic fabric and labor market of our nation, and yet as they are cheap labor, they are disposable labor who can easily lose their ability to live in even the subhuman conditions in this oh so great nation.
Now that this new quota system was to be implemented, how would the country establish what the quotas would be for the varying countries of the world? Easy, they compared it to the approximate composition of the US population circa 1790, a clearly discriminatory and completely inaccurate and unreliable practice! As the rising popularity of eugenics was during this time period, there had been increased emphasis on census and racial definition and maintaining "racial hygiene". "Euro-American identities turned both on ethnicity - that is, a nationality-based cultural identity that is defined as capable of transformation and assimilation - and on racial identity defined by whiteness." (7) In this construction of the white American, those non-white, browner immigrants from Asia, Africa, and Mexico were deemed less desirable and lower class peoples who subsequently had a lower quota for the number of immigrants allowed. Ngai points to Mexicans as a changing population in regards to the immigration and whiteness policy of time, as originally they were deemed white as the need for immigrant farm workers was needed in the Southwest, but then subsequently deportation and repatriation of Mexicans and Mexican-Americans became the common practice.
Ngai wonderfully illustrates how as this period of quota-based immigration restrictions continued, the treatment of Filipinos, Mexicans, Chinese, and Japanese worsened to the extent of which no matter how long they or their families had been woven into the fabric of the US, they were viewed and abused as second-class foreigners. Ngai urges you to remember, these were systematic attempts at ranking races, excusing maltreatment, and elevating the political, economic, and racial status of white Euro-Americans, and not just subtle nuances of American policies. As the US struggled with its policies towards the Philippines, practices bounced back and forth from Filipinos being portrayed as being capable of "benevolent assimilation" but at the same time clearly of Asian ancestry and eventually was pushed towards independence and repatriation. As World War II arose, the massive discrimination and maltreatment that the Japanese and Chinese Americans endured only further reinforced their cultural ties to their home countries and therefore they were portrayed as disloyal citizens. In many cases these were actual citizens of the US, native-born patriotic people who had protected rights unlike those of their illegal immigrant counterparts. Ngai reminds us not to forget about the Cold War and the extreme measures that were taken to exclude Chinese people from immigration to the US and even participation as US citizens in order to protect us from evil communist China.
Ngai's phenomenal history comes to a close with the Immigration Act of 1965. Although this act overturned the racialized, discriminatory numeric quota system, it did sadly further extend the reach of numeric restrictions. For anyone who believes that racial hierarchy as part of US policy is a thing of the ancient past, for anyone who believes that African-Americans and their struggles for civil rights were the only systematically discriminated against population in recent US history, this is the book for you! Sit back and relax as Ngai takes you through this tremendously researched sensational tale of the United States and the construction of the illegal immigrant.
This book makes me want to hop the border to Canada.......2005-11-20
This book is truly awful. I don't know what her publisher was thinking by letting this book get out. The tone: Nasal. The language: Sociological jargon. The argument: Garbage. Save a tree and find something better.
Reframing immigration history.......2005-11-03
Mae Ngai's ambitious book compels historians and general readers alike to critically reassess traditional understandings of and approaches to U.S. immigration. Much of the histories on U.S. immigration and immigration policies have told a similar tale. The United States, the narrative goes, has been tainted by a long history of exclusion, a blight on the nation's democratic tradition that was only recently removed with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965. Such a narrative not only reaffirms the myth of American universalism, but also consistently fails to produce any new critical knowledge about U.S. immigration and U.S. history. Impossible Subjects differs from these other works of immigration history in this important respect: it proceeds with the conviction that the United States was never a "nation of immigrants."
Ngai examines the era between 1924 and 1965, an unconventional periodization in immigration history that situates the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act (usually signifying the end of one regime) at the beginning of her study, and the Immigration Act of 1965 (usually signifying the beginning of another) at the end. Beyond simply filling a historiographical gap in immigration history, the focus on this period of immigration restriction enables a reevaluation of U.S. immigration laws, and more broadly of U.S history, on several levels. First, it demonstrates that restrictionist policies did not merely function as a tool for exclusion, but more, it created-through a racial and geographical remapping of the nation-new categories and concepts deeply implicated in race that defined the spaces and limits of national inclusion. Second, these categories and concepts, most notably "illegal aliens" and "national origins," are not natural or fixed conditions and markers, but are the product of positive law that, when scrutinized, reveal the ways in which its uses have shaped and defined the United States in the twentieth century, particularly its ideas and practices about race, citizenship, and the nation-state. Finally, this periodization allows for a reconfiguration of immigration history beyond a nationalist framework. By suggesting that the making of modern America rested on the exclusion of nonwhites from the geographical and ideological borders of the nation during this regime of restriction, the book argues against the normative telos of immigrant settlement, assimilation, and citizenship as the defining narrative of American history, a narrative that is confined to the nation-state and that invariably reproduces American exceptionalism.
By charting the historical origins of the "illegal alien" and the genealogy of immigration laws that have consistently reproduced it, Ngai has ultimately written a stunning history that goes far beyond narrating the history of U.S. immigration restriction. It is a book that deserves to be read widely.
The legally constructed "illegal aliens".......2004-07-04
IMPOSSIBLE SUBJECTS, written by Mae Ngai, is the best of recent books on the 20th-century American history of immigration. She reveals that the problem of "illegal immigrants," which has been regarded as one of the most serious problems since the late 20th century, is indeed a legal construction. According to the author, immigrants from Mexico were drawn into the U.S. Southeast because the Southeast political economy, especially agri-business, raised need for the massive wave of low-wage immigrant workers and at the same time defined them as the racially "foreign" people who were rendered alien to America, which was defined as the nation of Caucasians. What enabled the American Government and people to attach racialized foreignness to the Mexican immigrants (and, inevitably, American citizens of Mexican origin) were Immigration Acts, border policing, and discriminatory control of visas.
Mae Ngai argues that positive laws concerning immigration policy have constructed the category of "illegal aliens" from Mexico, and the implementation of the laws by Border Patrols and INS has reinforced the labeling of racially alien immigrants. She bases her analysis on the critical legal theory which suggests that laws constitute social formations. Her usage of the new legal theory in her inquiry into the American immigration history is highly excellent and persuasive.
The historical analysis of the immigration problems in this book seems to be applicable to other countries' history. For example, Ngai's insight shall give light to the recent Japanese conservative media discourses on the "illegal migrants" from China, South Korea, and Latin American nations which describe the undocumented migrant workers as illegal, criminal and, in case of women, prostitutes.
I would have dedicate five stars to this book if its text were easier to read (it is possible that I felt this book's text not very easy to read because I am not of a native-English tongue).
Book Description
When it was published twenty-five years ago, this book captured a huge audience of Vietnam War protesters, dropouts, and rebels--and their baffled elders. Theodore Roszak found common ground between 1960s student radicals and hippie dropouts in their mutual rejection of what he calls the technocracy--the regime of corporate and technological expertise that dominates industrial society. He traces the intellectual underpinnings of the two groups in the writings of Herbert Marcuse and Norman O. Brown, Allen Ginsberg and Paul Goodman. In a new introduction, Roszak reflects on the evolution of counter culture since he coined the term in the sixties.
Alan Watts wrote of The Making of a Counter Culture in the San Francisco Chronicle in 1969, "If you want to know what is happening among your intelligent and mysteriously rebellious children, this is the book. The generation gap, the student uproar, the New Left, the beats and hippies, the psychedelic movement, rock music, the revival of occultism and mysticism, the protest against our involvement in Vietnam, and the seemingly odd reluctance of the young to buy the affluent technological society--all these matters are here discussed, with sympathy and constructive criticism, by a most articulate, wise, and humane historian."
Customer Reviews:
The definitive definition - where it all began.......2004-05-17
Roszak's "Making of a Counter Culture" defined an era and the youth society that composed it. A thrilling expose' of Counter Culture Philosophy and oreintation, this is where the discussion all began. His bent on analysis of cultural differences and tendency to omit much of the political implications necessitated the need for a library of text thereafter.
Timothy Fitzgerald
If you were born before 1960.......2004-04-16
read this still inspiring report on the counterculture and own its potential for self-transformation in your own life and the life of our global society.
Roszak's The Making of a Counter Culture.......2004-01-07
Overall I was pleased with Roszak's book. Most of the pieces i've read about the sixties and the "hippie" era focus only on the sex, the drugs, and the music. While Roszak did dicuss this, his book was quite different because it focused mainly on the politcal and social issues of the time. Roszak include everything from the Vietnam War to how the counter culture has affected the lifestyles of the typical American family. Although Roszk is clearly on the far left side of the political spectrum, it is obvious that he tries his best to be objective and is sure to back up most of his points and information with credible sources. What I admire most about Roszak's book is the tone he takes. In my experience, many adult pieces concerning this era in history and the taboo, radical things that went on are often full of criticism towards that particular generation. Roszak did not criticize the protestors or the acid droppers, like most do. In his book, he carefully explained and supported the motives for these people, suggestng his approval and admiration for those who weren't afraid to stand up for what they believed in, no matter how much society frowned upon it.
THE Essential Book For Understanding the 60s Counterculture!.......2000-05-30
This book is by far the most seminal book one can read in attempting to get an accurate and unvarnished understanding of the sixties counterculture; the social and historical reasons for its rise, its intellectual underpinnings, and the way in which its actions were informed and indeed propelled by its unique constellation of integrating values into a cultural ethos.
Recently the counterculture has been viciously attacked, intellectually trashed and intentionally trivialized by a series of books and articles by mainstream neoconservatives who wish to discredit the counterculture once and for all by blaming it and the "permissiveness" it spawned for the manifest ills the mainstream society has actually engendered through the evolution of its own corrupted, nonrepresentative, and nondemocratic political process. Many ignorant youthful authors have succumbed to attributing fallacious ideas and notions of this ethos in a way that is not only inaccurate and disingenuous, but which serves to trivialize the quite serious cultural critique it comprised.
All that is set aside here. Remember, this book was written more than 30 years ago, even as the counterculture was rising, so it is very much a observational history, one done at ground zero of the demonstrations, sit-ins, when the tumult and strident calls for radical new solutions rang clear, and the heady air of nascent social and intellectual revolution was in the air.
Here one finds the counterculture placed in its proper context, and not just discussed 'en passant' as the demonized triage of sex, drugs, and rock and roll'. One can hardly understand the sixties in such simplistic terms, and Roszak helps one to understand the complex welter of social, economic, and political factors that led to its emergence. In its essence the counterculture was a social and political reaction to the hypocrisy of the mainstream materialistic culture from which it sprang, and as sociologist Philp Slater has commented elsewhere, most of the individual elements of the value system of the counterculture stem from values the mainstream culture in fact claims to hold but actually does not practice and employ.
This, then, is book with remarkable insight, perspective, and historical verve. Rosazak nails quite accurately the tensions, problems and contradictions associated with the rise of the counterculture and the innate problems its continued existence eventually portended for the materialistic mainstream culture. Of course, as history shows us, the sixties ethos was flattened by the overwhelming onslaught of the establishment and the Ohio National Guard, and the political and social ethos of the counterculture melded into the domain of increasingly isolated private and personal philosphies of hippies being assimilated into the mainstream.
The fact that its ethos is now blamed for much of the discontent and confusion of contemporary America is a likely result of what happens when one tries to merge antagonistic ideas and notions into a cultural system that is inconsistent with its own. This is a wonderful book, and one needs to read before the victors of those fractious times so revise the official version of the history of the 1960s that those of us who were there will no longer recognize it.
Excellent discussion of 1960's counterculture........1997-12-30
This book offers a highly detailed examination of the relationship of the late 1960's counterculture to cutting-edge intellectual ideas of the same era; Roszak discusses Herbert Marcuse and Norman Brown, among others, in great detail and shows very lucidly how their ideas influenced intellectual and political movements on college campuses in both America and Europe. Roszak's prescience here is amazing, considering that he wrote this book in 1967-68, while the phonemena he discusses were still unfolding! It would be interesting if Roszak were to write a response to his own book today, considering how the counterculture of the early 1990's has been so rapidly devoured by the mainstream--Roszak foresaw the possibility of this happening to the 1960's counterculture, but it took far longer then than it has now. Roszak's ruminations on the absurdity of the Alternative Nation would be welcome with this reader!
Book Description
In this provocative and original exploration of racial subjugation during slavery and its aftermath, Saidiya Hartman illumines the forms of terror and resistance that shaped black identity. Scenes of Subjection examines the forms of domination that usually go undetected; in particular, the encroachments of power that take place through notions of humanity, enjoyment, protection, rights, and consent. By looking at slave narratives, plantation diaries, popular theater, slave performance, freedmen's primers, and legal cases, Hartman investigates a wide variety of "scenes" ranging from the auction block and minstrel show to the staging of the self-possessed and rights-bearing individual of freedom. While attentive to the performance of power--the terrible spectacles of slaveholders' dominion and the innocent amusements designed to abase and pacify the enslaved--and the entanglements of pleasure and terror in these displays of mastery, Hartman also examines the possibilities for resistance, redress and transformation embodied in black performance and everyday practice. This important study contends that despite the legal abolition of slavery, emergent notions of individual will and responsibility revealed the tragic continuities between slavery and freedom. Bold and persuasively argued, Scenes of Subjection will engage readers in a broad range of historical, literary, and cultural studies.
Customer Reviews:
Insightful.......2007-02-23
Saidiya Hartman, with "Scenes of Subjection" has penned a well-researched and insightful look at the interior life of enslavement, power, and personal freedom. Using copious first-hand resources, Hartman creatively considers how the every day life and rituals of enslaved African Americans demonstrates that one can enslave a body, but never a soul.
Reviewer: Bob Kellemen, Ph.D., is the author of Beyond the Suffering: Embracing the Legacy of African American Soul Care and Spiritual Direction, Spiritual Friends, and Soul Physicians.
Excellent.......2000-04-15
Scenes of Subjection provides a fascinating view of slavery and its effects. Hartman applies her brilliant intellect to this terribly important subject, providing the reader with insight and understanding that is sadly missing from other academic and non-academic treatment of slavery. This is a "must read."
Book Description
Both Hollywood and corporate America are taking note of the marketing power of the growing Latino population in the United States. And as salsa takes over both the dance floor and the condiment shelf, the influence of Latin culture is gaining momentum in American society as a whole. Yet the increasing visibility of Latinos in mainstream culture has not been accompanied by a similar level of economic parity or political enfranchisement. In this important, original, and entertaining book, Arlene Dávila provides a critical examination of the Hispanic marketing industry and of its role in the making and marketing of U.S. Latinos.
Dávila finds that Latinos' increased popularity in the marketplace is simultaneously accompanied by their growing exotification and invisibility. She scrutinizes the complex interests that are involved in the public representation of Latinos as a generic and culturally distinct people and questions the homogeneity of the different Latino subnationalities that supposedly comprise the same people and group of consumers. In a fascinating discussion of how populations have become reconfigured as market segments, she shows that the market and marketing discourse become important terrains where Latinos debate their social identities and public standing.
Customer Reviews:
The best new work in media studies is from an anthropologist.......2001-12-09
Why are Latinos at the center of a pop-culture phenomenon in the United States? Arlene Davila argues it is not do to their rapid population growth, but the growth of their media image thanks to aggressive marketing and commercial advertising. Her second book to explore the commodification of Hispanic cultures, Latinos Inc.: The Marketing and Making of a People, is a detailed analysis of the abundant images targeting Latino populations in the U.S., the worldviews of the executives who manufacture those images, and the clients who buy them. Davila seeks to explore the mechanics by which a population, situated in the midst of economic globalization, becomes a market.
Davila conducts her fieldwork in several New York City ad agencies managed by Latinos and whose principal interest is to target Latinos. Her technique includes interviews with executives and creatives, and participant observation at national marketing conventions. There is also some use of focus groups to examine the folk perceptions of these propagated images among individuals of different Hispanic nationalities.
The author questions in whose interest these commercials are being made, for ultimately they serve the ad client and not Latinidad. She concludes "the commercial representation of U.S. Latinos has sustained particular hierarchies of representation that are indicative of wider dynamics affecting contemporary Latino cultural politics" (p.20). Her work is sweeping in its scope, hence my review is limited to the construction of "Latino" and "Hispanic" as representative identities and linking it to the critiques she aims at the executives and creatives of the ad agencies. This not a book where audience response plays a large role, rather it is one that gives extensive coverage to the ad agencies themselves, and the knowledges they use to construct mass produced images.
The categories of "Hispanic" and "Latino" are invented and by definition presuppose some intrinsic difference, relative to Anglos. This intrinsic difference is what makes ethnic-specific marketing plausible and it is how ad agencies pitch their services to clients. Thus, the notion of a pan-Latino identity-that individuals from all Spanish speaking countries have a shared culture-originated in the United States from the Cuban intellectuals who so dominate the Latino advertising industry. Further complicating the matter, the category of "Latino" is constantly in flux, as is illustrated by a current trend towards ads that opt for whiter versions of Latinidad, reconfiguring Latino traditions within the borders of the American middle-class.
Davila shows there is a propensity for ads and TV programming to use unaccented, "good" Spanish, and never that increasingly common mixture of English vocabulary and Spanish language-Spanglish. Such observations form the cornerstone of Davila's critique: ad agency executives or creatives who claim to have made some sort of liberating political accomplishment are immediately compromised due to the manufactured nature of the category which supposedly indexes the population they are trying to represent.
While on the one hand, the book does speak to scholars of the broad genre of interdisciplinary studies, it is definitely aimed at Latino advertising executives and marketing insiders as well. In this text several biting critiques leveled at the preconceptions of the advertisers and their clients are present, and here I will address three of the most prominent. The first is that the growing influence of Hispanic music and food on American popular culture represents a "coming of age" (p.3) for Latino populations. Davila indicates that this equates economic empowerment with political enfranchisement without the transference of any actual power, only the illusion of the potential for that power.
Second is the belief that through marketing and advertising it is possible to right old wrongs by correcting the stereotypes of the past (e.g. the Frito Bandito). In fact, Davila argues, the stereotypes are either repackaged in a slightly permutated form or simply replaced with new kinds of stereotypes, rather than removed all together. They may be no longer dirty, lazy thieves, but are instead emotional, religious, and familial. This sort of lose-lose scenario is especially grim considering the effects it has on U.S. born Latinos, who are typically much more likely to absorb and internalize commercialized identities than are recent immigrants, thereby making themselves more responsive to future exposure to the same forms.
Third, she notes the overall failure of the advertising world relative to the truly great potential it has as a political tool, especially considering the many agency executives and creatives she met sympathetic to her agenda. For all their self-affirmations, they have not actually effected any positive changes and meanwhile, real minority access to media outlets is falling precipitously.
Latinos Inc. succeeds in broadening the discourse on race in the U.S. as well as interjecting anthropological methodology into a realm dominated by interdisciplinary scholars. This work illustrates the great promise and possibilities of media studies, a genre by no means lacking in interesting and prolific output, but one which is sorely in need of a coherent methodology that goes beyond simply reading the "texts" of popular culture. I am thinking here of figures such as Neil Postman, Michael Parenti, and John Fiske, all of whom are fascinating in their own right and with important things to say, yet their works do not have the rigor of Davila's
Latinos Inc. review.......2001-12-06
Americans buy more salsa than ketchup. This factoid illustrates well the fact that Latino culture and its products are becoming increasingly popular in today's American consumer sphere. In her book, Latinos Inc., The Making and Marketing of a People, Arlene Davila examines the processes and dynamics behind the marketing of Latino products and culture, and how the marketing practices associated with Latino culture are affecting the Latino population of America.
Davila frames the academic context into which this book fits. While there is a glut of marketing and advertising studies in general, ones pertaining specifically to Hispanics are noticeably lacking. She pompously generalizes the ones that do exist as "uncritical," stating that one after another they either assert Latino's "coming of age" or commodification in American society. It is in this framework that she fixes her more critical eye on the Latino marketing industry.
Davila does an excellent job of articulating the plight of Latino and other minority consumers. She details how advertising has marginalized Latinos and other minorities by relegating them to the status of "the other." This builds and reinforces racial hierarchies that serve to keep Latinos lock in an inferior status. While contemplating these divisions, Davila wonders aloud "whether the United States will ever truly be one nation." She emphasizes the oxymoron of a segmented and divided United States with her mantra of Latinos as a "nation within a nation."
Davila highlights the contradiction between the interests of advertisers and consumers in advertising. For advertisers, advertisements are a vehicle to make money. For consumers, they are a vehicle to represent themselves and have their voice heard by a larger audience. These interests often come into conflict with one another as prudent advertising sometimes calls for the misrepresentation or overgeneralization of Latino communities while prudent representation requires accuracy and destruction, not the building and reinforcement, of racial and ethnic stereotypes. Almost without fail, the interests of the advertising agencies win out, as they are the creators of the advertisements themselves.
Davila indeed has a sharply honed eye for criticism. In Latinos Inc. she is very adept at pointing out the wrongs of situations. By the end of the book, Davila has built a long list of these wrongs. However, she offers precious little in the way of solutions. For instance, in her lamentations about our divided nation, she points out what hasn't worked as a force uniting Latinos with the rest of the population (citizenship or consumership), but doesn't speculate about what could work to unit the entire population. Another example is her adamant denunciation of both advertiser's generalization and segmentation of the Latino population. She derides both of these advertising techniques and destructive and counter-productive for Latinos, yet offers nothing as an alternative to these approaches. She leaves the reader wondering if there is a happy median between generalization and segmentation on the representation spectrum, or of if the entire is invalid and an entirely different advertising paradigm is necessary. She sees bad advertising, but what is good advertising?
Davila's examination of the Latino marketing industry is Latino-specific, to be sure, but at times it could just as easily pertain to the advertising industry in general. As such, at these instances the book struggles to distinguish itself from the rest of the glut of advertising studies. For instance, she tries to that the Hispanic marketing industry is "uniquely revealing" because Hispanic advertising's need to "empathize, charm, appeal, or shock a potential consumer in thirty or sixty seconds entail a great deal of simplification and typification...bring to the surface the tropes, images, and discourses that have become widespread and generalized representations of Hispanidad." It seems that this observation can apply to any of the hundreds of generalized groups represented in advertising.
While Davila convincingly argues that the New York's Latino high diversity makes the city an appropriate focus of her study, readers may be left wondering if her study would not have been better served with a wider geographical focus. It is possible that Davila arrived at some erroneous conclusions based on this limited focus. She speaks of the political disenfranchisement of the Latino community, but in fact there are some unacknowledged segments of the Latino population outside of New York that wield considerable political influence. For instance, in 1998 in Texas, 20% of its U.S. House representatives and 19% of the representatives to its state house and are Latino (Marin, 1999 and State of Texas, 2001). George Bush enlisted the help of the Latino advertising agency Sosa, Bromley, Aguilar, & Associates to propel him to a landslide 1998 Texas gubernatorial and subsequent 2000 U.S. presidential victories (the agency helped Bush garner 49% of the Latino vote in Florida) (ABC News.com, 2001 and Hart, 2000). For comparison, Bush won 18% if the Latino vote in New York (ABC News.com, 2001). The Latino political climate of New York is not indicative of that elsewhere in the entire U.S. Nonetheless, Davilia relies heavily on examples from New York Lation political scene to back up her arguments. At the least, the counter evidence calls these arguments into question.
To Davila's credit, she successfully accomplishes her stated goal of examining the nuanced dynamics behind the Latino marketing industry. While informative and painstakingly researched, the book is neither entertaining nor exceptionally useful. Aside from the chapter on consumer focus group discussions, she doesn't do a good job of relating the very consumer-oriented subject, the dynamics and processes behind advertising practices, to the consumers themselves. This failed link leaves the book with very little relevance to anyone outside of the advertising industry.
Book Description
Making Harvard Modern is a candid, richly detailed portrait of America's most prominent university from 1933 to the present: seven decades of dramatic change. Early twentieth century Harvard was the country's oldest and richest university, but not necessarily its outstanding one. By the century's end it was widely regarded as the nation's, and the world's, leading institution of higher education. With verve, humor, and insight, Morton and Phyllis Keller tell the story of that rise: a tale of compelling personalities, notable achievement and no less notable academic pratfalls. Their book is based on rich and revealing archival materials, interviews, and personal experience. Young, humbly born James Bryant Conant succeeded Boston Brahmin A. Lawrence Lowell as Harvard's president in 1933, and set out to change a Brahmin-dominated university into a meritocratic one. He hoped to recruit the nation's finest scholars and an outstanding national student body. But the lack of new money during the Depression and the distractions of World War Two kept Conant, and Harvard, from achieving this goal. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the presidency of Conant's successor Nathan Marsh Pusey, Harvard raised the money, recruited the faculty, and attracted the students that made it a great meritocratic institution: America's university. The authors provide the fullest account yet of this transformation, and of the wrenching campus crisis of the late 'sixties. During the last thirty years of the twentieth century, a new academic culture arose: meritocratic Harvard morphed into worldly Harvard. During the presidencies of Derek Bok and Neil Rudenstine the university opened its doors to growing numbers of foreign students, women, African- and Asian-Americans, and Hispanics. Its administration, faculty, and students became more deeply engaged in social issues; its scientists and professional schools were more ready to enter into shared commercial ventures. But worldliness brought its own conflicts: over affirmative action and political correctness, over commercialization, over the ever higher costs of higher education. This fascinating account, the first comprehensive history of a modern American university, is essential reading for anyone with an interest in the present state and future course of higher education.
Book Description
With an accessible reading style, abundant pedagogy, and reasonable price tag, Making America, Brief, is the perfect choice for inexperienced students and cost-conscious professors.
The Second Edition features a full-color design, making its pedagogy, map, and art programs more appealing and accessible than other brief texts. Chapter-opening maps, timelines, and chronology charts emphasize key developments, enhance geographical awareness, and highlight political events. Each chapter opener contains critical-thinking questions linked to major headings of the chapter, while key terms and concepts are highlighted in the text narrative and defined in a separate box at the bottom right-hand corner of each page.
Customer Reviews:
Making history, vol. 1..........2004-09-23
'Making America: A History of the United States' is a wonderful introduction to American history, written in broad strokes that goes from the earliest days of European discovery, including an overview of the Native American histories, through to modern times. This first volume traces the time of the contact of Europeans with the 'New World' to the aftermath of the American Civil War. The early chapters look in some good detail about the inter-relationships of the Native American populations in North America and the Caribbean with the European explorers, showing times of cooperation and of conflict. A little more development of Native American histories would be helpful here, but the text is honest in laying forth many of the problems of the explorers and settlers dealings with populations already present on the continent.
The complex world of the colonial settlements, each of which had its own purposes and character, is developed in some detail, outlining the personalities, events, and primary ideas that drove the historical trends. The early colonisations of the Spanish, French, Dutch and English, each dealing with Native Americans and each others, makes for a varied story, ending up ultimately in British ascendancy in North America, with all other European powers taking a back seat, until the time of the American Revolution, when the new nation formed.
Expansion of the Americans westward, dealing with issues of Native Americans as well as growing pains of the new nation, and the continuing controversial institution of slavery, make for a colourful narrative. Most American students will recognise easily the broad strokes, and the authors bring in interesting side events and perspectives.
The book is full of colour, with pictures, maps, graphs, and other design elements used to make reading easier and comprehension greater. Bold-faced words in the text are highlighted and explained in definition form in pull-out boxes at the bottom of many pages, which parallel with the useful glossary of terms at the back. There are chapter introductions and summaries, maps and timelines to set each chapter's context, and interesting features called 'Individual Voices' and 'Individual Choices' that draw the chapters together into overall topical agreement. The text is backed by a useful website.
We are using this two-volume set at the college where I tutor in history (among other topics). The students enjoy the text, and it is a good work to use from a teaching standpoint, too.
Book Description
During the civil rights era, Atlanta thought of itself as "The City Too Busy to Hate," a rare place in the South where the races lived and thrived together. Over the course of the 1960s and 1970s, however, so many whites fled the city for the suburbs that Atlanta earned a new nickname: "The City Too Busy Moving to Hate."
In this reappraisal of racial politics in modern America, Kevin Kruse explains the causes and consequences of "white flight" in Atlanta and elsewhere. Seeking to understand segregationists on their own terms, White Flight moves past simple stereotypes to explore the meaning of white resistance. In the end, Kruse finds that segregationist resistance, which failed to stop the civil rights movement, nevertheless managed to preserve the world of segregation and even perfect it in subtler and stronger forms.
Challenging the conventional wisdom that white flight meant nothing more than a literal movement of whites to the suburbs, this book argues that it represented a more important transformation in the political ideology of those involved. In a provocative revision of postwar American history, Kruse demonstrates that traditional elements of modern conservatism, such as hostility to the federal government and faith in free enterprise, underwent important transformations during the postwar struggle over segregation. Likewise, white resistance gave birth to several new conservative causes, like the tax revolt, tuition vouchers, and privatization of public services. Tracing the journey of southern conservatives from white supremacy to white suburbia, Kruse locates the origins of modern American politics.
Customer Reviews:
Important History of United States.......2007-03-26
This book is first, well written and then well researched. As someone who grew up in Atlanta during a good part of the time period covered by the book I'm impressed by the amount of detail and the level of accuracy that the writer provides. His analysis of not only what happen in and around the south but how it ties into the rise of the new conservatism is spot on. This should be required reading for all high school seniors as well as most politicians. To learn from the past we need more writers and researchers like Kevin M. Kruse to help illuminate the way. Please, please, please buy this book and read it.
Fascinating Read.......2005-12-09
I'm not from Georgia and I'm not a history guy, but I found this book fascinating. The "editorial review" provided by Amazon does a fine job describing the book, so I'll just give a few of my impressions. The book is well written and easy to read (which don't always go hand in hand - see James, Henry). I found myself not only learning about Atlanta but also better understanding the phenomenon of white flight in general. This book has really opened my eyes to the issues of the city versus the suburbs; I can see now that many of the struggles of the '50s and '60s are still continuing today, if in slightly different forms.
Don't let the title of this book mislead you; this is not a 350-page rant about how evil conservatives are. In fact, I was surprised at how often the "good guys" in the integration struggle, such as Mayor Hartsfield and his coalition of business elites, were motivated not by a sense of social justice but by capitalism: many of the so-called city fathers were just as loathe to integrate as the segregationists, but the image of Atlanta as a fully integrated city was just too lucrative for their businesses and the city's economy. The book is blessedly free of sermonizing, as the author simply recounts what took place and shows how those events have influenced the world we live in, both political and physical. Value judgments are largely left to the reader.
One last thing. When I think of all the material covered in this book, from violent flashpoints to school board meetings to segregationist poetry to newspaper advertisements, I can't believe I wasn't bored out of my mind - this stuff usually isn't my cup of tea. But instead of bogging it down, the author used the excruciating level of detail to breath life into the story, animating the people and events in a way that made me feel connected to them. Regardless of your ideology, I think you will find yourself entertained and enlightened by this book.
Specific details from Atlanta provide a better understanding of the many sides of the process that reshaped the South.......2005-11-15
Like many people, I was familiar with the big highlights of the civil rights movement and the phenomenon of white flight, but to see the detail Kevin Kruse provides on the era in Atlanta is eye opening. You get the stories about sit-ins and the first African American to go to this or that school, but the smaller things like neighborhoods and public parks becoming "black" really gives the reader a good idea of the glacial pace that change was taking place. The "freedom of association" idea presented by the author captures the strategy of segregationists to maintain their exclusive use of public places by shifting from outright racism to a broad appeal for individual rights. The latter idea is what the author presents as the basis for the recent success of the Republican party not only in the South but suburban areas throughout the country.
Well researched, insightful, and an incredibly engaging read.......2005-10-28
This book is incredibly well researched, insightful, and an incredibly engaging read. I don't often read historical books but I did enjoy David McCullough's "Truman" and "John Adams" and found this book equally well written and often times more interesting. The author, Kevin Kruse doesn't just tell you about the politics of the time but draws you in to the people who made history. Like characters in a novel I found myself invested in them and looking forward to the next page. I have no connection to Atlanta, but that doesn't matter because this is an American story more than just an Atlanta story and is strikingly relevant today for anyone interested in how modern conservatism came to be. Particularly compelling was Kruse's telling of how rural and urban voters were manipulated, and the politics of racism were balanced with uneasy alliances between black and white community leaders. From the start the author reframes the discussion away from the traditional perspective of what people were "against" to think about what people were "for", and in doing so paints a picture of the values that fueled white flight, the civil rights movement, and continues to drive much of our modern political ideology. Whether you are interested in the history, modern politics, or just a great story I recommend this book
Book Description
Why did the youthful optimism and openness of the sixties give way to Ronald Reagan and the spirit of conservative reaction--a spirit that remains ascendant today? Drawing on a wide array of sources--including tabloid journalism, popular fiction, movies, and television shows--Philip Jenkins argues that a remarkable confluence of panics, scares, and a few genuine threats created a climate of fear that led to the conservative reaction. He identifies 1975 to 1986 as the watershed years. During this time, he says, there was a sharp increase in perceived threats to our security at home and abroad. At home, America seemed to be threatened by monstrous criminals--serial killers, child abusers, Satanic cults, and predatory drug dealers, to name just a few. On the international scene, we were confronted by the Soviet Union and its evil empire, by OPEC with its stranglehold on global oil, by the Ayatollahs who made hostages of our diplomats in Iran. Increasingly, these dangers began to be described in terms of moral evil. Rejecting the radicalism of the '60s, which many saw as the source of the crisis, Americans adopted a more pessimistic interpretation of human behavior, which harked back to much older themes in American culture. This simpler but darker vision ultimately brought us Ronald Reagan and the ascendancy of the political Right, which more than two decades later shows no sign of loosening its grip. Writing in his usual crisp and witty prose, Jenkins offers a truly original and persuasive account of a period that continues to fascinate the American public. It is bound to captivate anyone who lived through this period, as well as all those who want to understand the forces that transformed--and continue to define--the American political landscape.
Customer Reviews:
Far less partisan than its title.......2006-07-06
It's a very good history, but I was still a bit disappointed -- Jenkins stayed on the surface of the grimy realities of the 70's, showing us the cultural phenomena and how that phenomena served to create public reaction, but failing to ask to what extent the political revolution of the 70's served to deliberately and callously exploit that public reaction. Any statesman (or aspiring statesman) is aware of the responsibility to educate the public and to ignore its less enlightened notions. The political hack, on the other hand, panders to the public and pretends to do its bidding (passing outrageous legislation, waving the flag, and often doing the bidding of certain moneyed interests).
Jenkins gets the facts straight -- yes, the U.S. was in a crisis (Johnson and Nixon, both approximately equal parts statesman and hack, left a very mixed legacy). Yes, Carter was idealistic and, under the circumstances, politically inept. Yes, a variety of manic causes, from imaginary rape statistics to 'the breakdown of traditional values' hit the headlines; Jenkins recounts both the real fears and the hyperbolic reactions. (Contemporary panderers in the media and political office seem to have discovered the trivial issue of obesity; it's the same kind of phenomena Jenkins recounts.) And Jenkins explains how the rhetoric of toughness seemed so desirable under the circumstances.
All excellent -- then Jenkins refuses to pass judgment. He does not suggest the possibility of alternative political reactions. The phenomena just 'is' (or was). I suppose I should not complain -- I like reading a work of history rather than a rant. However, I find myself asking if Jenkins is that much of a cultural determinist, and concluding that he may well be. It appears to me Jenkins considers Carter, Reagan, and everything the 70's served to create as inevitable.
Again, great summary of the decade, but seems a rather frozen response to what I would see as still 'live' issues.
Making sense of the birth of an era (for better or worse!).......2006-05-21
Actually this book seems to me as more of a cultural than a political study - - (viewing politics as part of and a reaction to cultural trends) - - hence in describing the transition from the "radically liberal" sixties to the "reactionary conservative" 80's, Jenkins draws not only from the political events of the era, but also pop culture from movies to TV coverage... The overall arguement being is that the transition was sort of a national hangover. Things seemed out of control - - with the economy in the dumps, and a perception of society breaking down, a wave of domestic and international terror and America feeling isolated on the national stage and on the verge of losing the Cold War. - - The book seems to argue both ways the realities of the national crisises, and at the same time media exploitation of issue made to make people scared as well as identify with a culture of "macho" and "shoot 'em up" vs. the cheery idealistic anti-hero. From this perspective we see how Reagan in the eyes of many offering sobering and decisive hope - - whether or not you feel he was the great uniter and saviour of the country or the guy who took from the poor and gave to the rich.
All in all, the image of the 70's as being a "big hang-over from the 60's" has long been a commonly held belief to explain the transition... this is the first book to offer a detailed study of the era beyond mere "oil crisis/inflation/hostages" - - compared to most the images we have of the 70's - - either in our own memories or by watching VH1, this is the first book to really go into detail.
As for what I got out of it -- two words really - - DEJA VU...
which in some ways is reassuring (times of trouble may always feel like the end of the world) and other ways scary.
Regardless of where you stand on the coin politically, this book will definitely prove interesting, especially if you are old enough to remember some of the events and are now ready to look at them in a (of course debatable!) historical perspective.
From Liberal to Conservative: the 70's Explained.......2006-05-17
Decade of Nightmare chronicles the transformation on 60's liberalism to 80's conservatism. Beginning roughly with the Watergate scandal and continuing through the election of Reagan and into the 80's, Jenkins's sweeps broadly over many of the period's memorable and now forgotten events. The failure of Desert One, Soledad Brother, George Wallace, The Bourne Identity, Anita Bryant, the Wonderland Murders, Granada, Starhawk, NAMBLA, the Scottsboro Boys, and The Illuminatus Trilogy are a mere few of what is touched on. In Jenkins's view other accounts of this time period have not been broad enough focusing on either the political or social histories but not mixing the two, not showing, for example the influence of both conservative politician Daniel Patrick Moynihan and porn star Linda Lovelace had on the growth of conservatism. The public, he says, perceived sexual liberation as leading to porn and snuff films; LSD as leading to the horrors of angel dust; and spiritual experimentation leading to brain washing cults. Far from being the Smiley Face decade, portrayed in films like Dazed and Confused and TV show's like That 70's Show, Jenkins portrays the 70's as a time of stress where the Cold War resurfaced and serial killers were everywhere. This was a decade where Ronald Reagan went from being perceived as an extremist to winning the Presidency. Jenkins provides a context in which to view the major events of the era by reminding us of the forgotten events. For example, the patriotism associated with the US Hockey Team victory against Russia is shown in context with the Iranian hostage crisis, the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, best selling apocalyptic novels, rising inflation, and the unchecked growth of leftist guerillas in Latin America. He also explains how liberals became their own worst enemies by, for example, condemning the Israeli's for their raid into Entebbe, Uganda to rescue a hundred Jewish hostages. The book is a fast and easy read and refreshingly non-partisan. For a subject as loaded as this one, it would be easy to demonize one side or the other, the liberal or conservatives, but Jenkins avoids this trap and doesn't editorialize - with a few possible exceptions that Reagan conservatives may find unappealing. Sometimes it is too easy for Jenkins to draw parallels between the 70's and today although he never blatantly makes such comparison. Considering the subject matter the book could be called breezy since I found myself Googling even Jenkins's barely touches on to find a more detailed account. Overall this is an exceptional book and highly recommended to anyone interested the recent history or understanding the origins of today's politics.
DECADE OF NIGHTMARES: Was I reading a different book?.......2006-03-22
I just don't understand the negative first review here. In contrast, I thought this book was a sophisticated piece of writing with a lot to say about a period I remember well. I learned a lot from it. It was particularly good on the continuity between the Carter and Reagan administrations, which really surprised me, but the argument did convince me.
Does history mean studying the present to define the past?.......2006-03-05
Do Americans truly reject "a return to the starry-eyed nonjudgmental optimism of the 1960s" as Jenkins asserts in his conclusion, or was the 1960s a time of "Camelot" later destroyed by the politics of innuendo, fear and attack?
In the 1950s, President Eisenhower presided over peace, prosperity and progress; in the 1960s. Kennedy added vision, ambition and courage. It was Nixon who shattered this optimism in 1968, and the nation has yet to recover its spiritual soul. The underlying cause is the crushing American defeat in Vietnam, the second time the US suffered such a debacle. Americans lost the War of 1812; then, as now, the response was an inward retreat and a series of devastating wars against isolated and weak enemies. Americans began a systematic destruction of Native American nations and seized more than half of Mexico. After 1975 and the rooftop escape from Saigon, Americans watched US troops storm ashore in countries such as Grenada -- the triumph of the Reagan military build-up -- and watched, with total mystification, the collapse of the Soviet empire.
After 1815, the American sense of community based on citizen democracy was lost. Instead, the new focus became a hatred and destruction of outside terrorists, aka Native Americans. Such xenophobia offers a powerful sense of national unity and pride for some; but it doesn't solve internal conflicts. Since 1975, a similar xenophobia has magnified a handful of Islamic terrorists into an international threat. Americans financed IRA terrorists for decades; but are now shocked when facing similar politics of terror.
It took almost 50 years for the politics of defeat to blossom into the US Civil War; now, the Iraq debacle, inept domestic policies and a contempt for human rights are leading to equally sharp divisions.
The 1960s in America produced a revolution as dynamic as the 1920s in Russia. The legacy of 1815 eventually produced Jefferson Davis who almost destroyed democracy in America. In Russia, Stalin utterly crushed all social reform and innovation. Now, the final casualty of Vietnam may be Bush repressing social reform, justice and equality.
It didn't start with Carter, although Jenkins, "identifies 1975 to 1986 as the watershed years." Carter kept America at peace, during his presidency America never dropped a bomb, launched a missile strike, started a pre-emptive war or implemented a policy of torture. After 66 hostages were seized, he could have destroyed Iran; instead, he waited even though it cost him the presidency. All hostages came home alive and well. It's worth noting the first oil embargo was during the Nixon years, not during Carter's time.
The years of hate came later after Carter. His post-presidential efforts won him the Nobel Peace prize in 2002, an honor Bush is unlikely to ever receive.
Jenkins offers a rich feast of events from the past 40 years, but he's a thoroughly selective historian, brilliantly recalling history to prove his case past but not offering a clue about the future. He cites the rise of MADD in the 1970s, ignoring the crackdowns of the 1960s. For some, history is a study of the past to comprehend the promise, hopes and perils of the future; for Jenkins, it is a study of the present to understand the past.
It makes interesting reading, especially for those who think Eisenhower was the pinnacle of American politics. Like many Americans, Jenkins can't comprehend defeat; this lack of acumen has produced some of the greatest American triumphs, but can also produce decay. To understand modern America, consider the two decades from John Quincy Adams to Millard Fillmore and the accompanying rise of religious cults, certainties and charlatans.
Jenkins doesn't, but the 1820 - 60 period may offer the relevant example he's looking for in terms of mixing theology, history, polemics and the rise of cults.
It's a disappointing book, unenlightening and bitter. He could have done much better.
Average customer rating:
- All You Ever Needed to Know About Lexingon...and Then Some!
- Informative, beautifully written and such a treat to read
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Lexington: Queen of the Bluegrass (KY) (Making of America)
Randolph Hollingsworth
Manufacturer: Arcadia Publishing
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
 General
| United States
| Americas
| History
| Subjects
| Books
General
| State & Local
| United States
| Americas
| History
| Subjects
| Books
Kentucky
| State & Local
| United States
| Americas
| History
| Subjects
| Books
South
| State & Local
| United States
| Americas
| History
| Subjects
| Books
ASIN: 0738524662
Release Date: 2004-11-24 |
Book Description
In the heart of central Kentucky Bluegrass country, Lexington boasts a long, proud history reaching far back before this “Horse Capital of the World” reared its first thoroughbred. Early Lexingtonians built an intellectual and economic center from their frontier outpost and quickly claimed the first college, newspaper, and millionaire west of the Alleghenies—among many other firsts.
Customer Reviews:
All You Ever Needed to Know About Lexingon...and Then Some!.......2005-01-03
I wouldn't be a true historian if I didn't say I have lots of questions after reading Ms. Hollingsworth's book. But, that's a sign of a good writer...leaving your reader wanting more. The writing style is engaging and is based on some unique and comprehensive sources. This book is all you need to read to know the real story of Lexington.
Informative, beautifully written and such a treat to read.......2004-12-30
Since the Wright book about Lexington appeared in the 1980's I have been hoping for a more extensive, up-to-date history of the town in which I grew up. This is it. Ms. Hollingsworth is a gifted writer. Her lively, articulate and entertaining account of Lexington from its earliest days to the present left me aching for more. She has obviously thoroughly researched an enormous quantity of primary sources in writing it and I have visions of bulging files somewhere that she will see fit to use to expand and broaden her story. This was one book I wanted to go on forever. I made the mistake of starting it at bedtime and finding myself unable to put it down. It is so rich in history and local color that I found myself reading very slowly when I am normally a fast reader. I didn't want go miss a thing. Of course, I'm sure I will re-read it within a month or so and use it as a reference forever.
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- Land Of The Giants Cl
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Books Index
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